1. All ideological State apparatuses, whatever they are, contribute to the same result: the reproduction of the relations of production, i.e. of capitalist relations of exploitation. 2. Each of them contributes towards this single result in the way proper to it. The political apparatus by subjecting individuals to the political State ideology, the “indirect” (parliamentary) or “direct” (plebiscitary or fascist) “democratic” ideology. The communications apparatus by cramming every “citizen” with daily doses of nationalism, chauvinism, liberalism, moralism, etc, by means of the press, the radio and television. The same goes for the cultural apparatus (the role of sport in chauvinism is of the first importance), etc. […] 3. This concert is dominated by a single score, occasionally disturbed by contradictions (those of the remnants of former ruling classes, those of the proletarians and their organizations): the score of the Ideology of the current ruling class which integrates into its music the great themes […]3
The interplay between direct ideological control and the ideological apparatuses—such as religion, culture, and family—presents a nuanced landscape for the production and reproduction of ideology. These apparatuses, particularly at the familial and educational levels, often operate under a guise of neutrality, making their influence more insidious. At 21, when I joined the LGBT Center, I leveraged popular college network channels to recruit participants who shared similar age, educational backgrounds, and social contexts. The college demographic tended to espouse ideals of purity and enduring love, often critiquing the perceived chaos of contemporary sexual relations and subtly disapproving of married queers. As the center grew, attracting a diverse range of social groups, ideological clashes became inevitable. The older, more grassroots members of the gay community bring a depth of life experience to our discussions. They engage in lively debates, offering sharp, vulgar yet insightful comments that they playfully aim at us younger ones. They tease us about how, even though our head might seem in the clouds, our dick speak louder than words. This banter allows us to mingle without feeling patronized. In discussions with Zheng Bo about the original Difference–Gender exhibition, he seemed to express similar observation: the participating artists were generally younger and better educated, with the notable exception of Xiyadie. His paper-cutting art and involvement in the exhibition underscored the message that “being gay is not simply a young people’s affair.”4 This dynamic reflected broader social realities in China around 2009. Post-80s students harbored dreams of a middle-class future, aligning themselves with mainstream identities while grappling with moral complexities.
Conversely, others embraced their imperfections, creating meaningful personal frameworks outside societal norms. While I support art that explores gender identity, I am cautious of the conceptual systems underpinning such expressions. As the cultural apparatus inevitably lends paths to ideological reproduction upon the gender matrix, my focus gradually shifted, leading me to resign from the Beijing LGBT Center in 2011 to pursue my passion for contemporary art. My departure likely disrupted the community, as I was the sole employee at the time, but it marked a necessary transition in my personal and professional journey.
In my beliefs, I am not averse to the idea of the art of self-interest, that is, the artist expressing personal interests from a socially disinterested position. However, I am suspicious of any art that intends to create a collective image, e.g., one that successfully represents a national ideology, which is tempting but does not deliver the essential meaning for my work. In my early twenties, I was limited in my knowledge of art, limited in my understanding of the significance of socially relevant work, and stubborn and naïve. Since the organizations that supported the LGBTQ Center were all NGOs, there was inevitably a divergence in thinking—as I mentioned above, I was too abstract and did not offer artistic solutions in terms of quick-impact social change events. Such proposals, in my opinion, also violate the principles of art in my philosophical perspective. If I had another chance, I would have made a clear distinction between the two, accounted for them, and utilized my power in a mature and flexible way. In any case, it is humans that I value, rather than any “ism,” prescribed by any existing ideology.